Last year, a redistricting war broke out. Texas redrew its maps to favor Republicans. California hit back to favor Democrats. Six states redrew in all — the most mid-decade redistricting in over fifty years.

Then, on April twenty-ninth, the Supreme Court narrowed Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act — the main tool for protecting minority representation. Within weeks, Florida, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Alabama moved to eliminate majority-minority districts. Tennessee eliminated its only Black-majority district in eight days. South Carolina's Republican senators refused. Georgia's governor declined.

As long as who draws the lines determines who wins, this fight never ends. There's a bill in Congress called the Fair Representation Act that would replace single-member districts with proportional representation. You can't gerrymander a district that elects five people. That's not a ceasefire. That's ending the war.

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The redistricting arms race (2025-2026). Six states — California, Missouri, North Carolina, Ohio, Texas, and Utah — enacted new congressional maps between the 2024 and 2026 elections. This was the most mid-decade redistricting since the 1800s. Before 2025, only two states had conducted voluntary mid-decade redistricting since 1970. The cycle began when President Trump pressured Texas to redraw its maps in summer 2025. Democrats responded through ballot measures in California (Prop 50, November 2025) and Virginia (constitutional amendment, April 21, 2026, passing 51-49%). Virginia's effort did not survive: the Virginia Supreme Court blocked the resulting map in May 2026, costing Democrats up to four seats — which is why the script names only California. (Ballotpedia; CRS; ABC News; CNN; NBC News)

Then the Supreme Court changed the game. On April 29, 2026, the Court ruled 6-3 in Louisiana v. Callais to sharply narrow Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. The ruling requires proof of intentional racial discrimination to challenge maps — a standard Congress specifically rejected when it amended Section 2 in 1982. Justice Kagan's dissent called Section 2 "all but a dead letter." Combined with Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), which made partisan gerrymandering legal, states can now defend any map by claiming partisan rather than racial motive — even though race and party are nearly impossible to separate. (CNN; Axios; Democracy Docket; Campaign Legal Center)

The cascade — and where it stopped.

• Florida (April 29): Legislature passed new maps the same day as the ruling. DeSantis signed May 4. Projected shift from 20-8 R to 24-4 R — four Democratic/majority-minority seats eliminated. Now facing challenges under Florida's Fair Districts Amendment; the state Supreme Court declined to halt its use.
• Tennessee (May 5-7): Special session convened. Memphis — the state's only majority-Black district (TN-9) — carved three ways. Rep. Steve Cohen announced retirement. Democrats held press conference at the Lorraine Motel, where MLK was assassinated. Trump personally called Gov. Lee. Eight days from ruling to signed map.
• Louisiana (April 30): Suspended congressional primaries after early voting had already begun. Legislature began hearings May 8.
• Alabama (May 8-11): Did not redraw — asked SCOTUS to let it revert to its 2023 map, the one a federal court had barred as discriminatory in Allen v. Milligan. On May 11, SCOTUS granted the request via shadow docket, effectively overturning its own 2023 ruling without oral arguments.
• South Carolina: the redraw failed. The Republican-controlled state Senate rejected it twice — declining to extend the session May 12, then rejecting the map May 26 — despite direct pressure from President Trump. Republican Sen. Tom Davis called the process "constitutionally and practically indefensible." Gov. McMaster conceded there would be no new map for 2026. Rep. James Clyburn's majority-Black district survives.
• Georgia: declined. Republican Gov. Brian Kemp refused mid-decade redistricting for 2026, though the state may revisit for 2028.
• Mississippi: Gov. Reeves's threatened special session did not produce a new congressional map for 2026.

Where it landed. Ten states enacted new congressional maps for 2026 — the most mid-decade redistricting of the modern era. Republicans are positioned to gain as many as 16 seats, Democrats as many as 6; analysts put the realistic Republican net at 5 to 10. (Earlier Democracy Docket estimates of up to 18 Republican seats predated the South Carolina and Georgia outcomes.) (Ballotpedia; CBS News; NBC News; NBC on South Carolina; PBS NewsHour; Slate; Wikipedia)

The Fair Representation Act (H.R. 4632). Would repeal the 1967 Uniform Congressional District Act and replace single-member districts with multi-member districts (3-5 seats each) elected by proportional ranked-choice voting. In a 5-member district, a party winning 40% of the vote gets roughly 2 of 5 seats — making gerrymandering structurally impossible regardless of who draws the lines. FairVote simulations show seat shares closely matching vote shares under any district configuration. (FairVote; Protect Democracy)

The Redistricting Reform Act (H.R. 5449 / S. 2885). Would ban mid-decade redistricting and require every state to establish independent redistricting commissions. 56 House cosponsors, 3 Senate. All Democratic + 1 Independent. This fixes the process but not the structural problem — single-member districts can still be gerrymandered even by commissions. (Rep. Lofgren)

Why proportional representation is the permanent fix. The Fair Representation Act doesn't just ban gerrymandering — it makes it structurally pointless. In a 5-member district, the threshold to win a seat is roughly 17% (Droop quota). No matter how you draw the lines, minorities large enough to meet that threshold will elect representatives. The efficiency gap — the standard measure of gerrymandering — essentially disappears under proportional systems. This is why the script says "You can't gerrymander a district that elects five people." (Sightline Institute; FairVote simulations)

Related Civic Minute segments: What the Voting Rights Act Was For (CM-54), The Partisan Cover (CM-55), The Redistricting Arms Race (CM-12, retired), What Gerrymandering Is (CM-7), How Multi-Member Districts Work (CM-14), The End of Gerrymandering (CM-16)